Debate

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Thursday, November 2, 1775.

The Order of the Day being read, for the second reading of the Bill to enable his Majesty to call out and assemble the Militia, in all cases of Rebellion, in any part of the Dominions belonging to the Crown of Great Britain:

A motion was made, and the question being put, that the said Bill be now read a second time:

Mr˙ Hartley said: Sir, I shall beg leave, upon the present occasion, to take a scope wide of the immediate business, and offer an observation or two upon the necessity of having some measure of a conciliatory nature to attend those coercive ones which are brought forward against America with so much haste. I would propose that there should be some test of submission held out, by which the Colonies may prove their submission to the legislative power of this country. I think the best would be the recognition of an act of Parliament, to be registered in the assembly of such Colony willing to submit. And I think the best should be one which exercises a controlling power over the Colony; for instance, suppose it was to enact that all the slaves in America should have the trial by jury. The recognition of this, and the submission to its operation, would yield the requisite proof of duty. When this actual recognition of an act of Parliament shall have replaced the legislative authority of this country, without question or diminution, as it was before the commencement of these troubles; then, as an act of merited justice to such Colonies as shall have given this proof of their return to their allegiance, let their grievances be redressed; let the operation of all the acts complained of cease, ipso facto, in each Colony respectively where the required recognition shall have been complied with. This proposition seems to me to be equitable in itself; I hope it will be

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thought by all parties to be definite, satisfactory, and practicable.

Mr˙ Charles Turner. I am against the present bill upon every account, as I am against Militias in general. The proper men to recruit and supply your troops are the scum and outcasts of cities and manufactories; fellows who voluntarily submit to be slaves by an apprenticeship of seven years are the proper persons to be military ones. But to take the honest, sober, industrious fellow from the plough, is doing an essential mischief to the community, and laying a double tax. The Militia is likewise more expensive than the regulars, and therefore the more improper at present.

Viscount Mounstuart. I do not rise to oppose the present bill, because I am clear that the force of a Militia is the true constitutional force to be relied on by this or any kingdom; but, sir, I wish to see no longer a partial Militia; I wish to see an end of a line of distinction drawn between countries, which in nature and in land are the same; I wish to see a Militia in North-Britain. What reason can be assigned against it? The stain of rebellion is wiped out; it is done away for ever, by the loyalty of the people, and the uncommon exertions they made for the Crown in the last war. I do not mean now to bring this matter under consideration, but give notice that I shall take an early open day to propose it.

Mr˙ Dunning condemned the bill. Instead of the ostensible motives held out by it, the Militia may be employed in the most alarming and unconstitutional manner. It throws a power into the hands of the King, hitherto unknown to the Constitution. He took a retrospective view of measures in general, and introduced some strictures on addresses, particularly that from the First Battalion of the Militia of the County of Devon. My honourable friend, [Mr˙ Acland,] who helped to procure that address, and presented it, he supposed, consulted the noble Lord [North] upon it; and he had good ground to believe the noble Lord corrected it. The address speaks its origin fully; it makes a tender of their services with their swords drawn, not to use them against the common enemy, any of the branches of the House of Bourbon; not even against the Americans, for they could not act against either out of the kingdom; but against his Majesty' s internal enemies — that is, such who, in this House or elsewhere, dare to hold a contrary opinion with the framer and author of it. The tendency of the bill is exceedingly different from the old Militia law, and therefore demands an explanation, that the House may know how different the situation of the gentlemen now in the Militia will be, when this bill is passed, from what, it is at present. They and the men entered into that engagement with their country, under the express circumstances that they were never to be called out but in time of invasion or rebellion in England, or imminent danger of one or the other. This condition secured them from being at the beckon of a Minister, to be called out under pretences of distant or imaginary danger. They knew the nature of the very cause in which they were to draw their swords; but what will be their situation if this bill passes? It will be in the power of the Minister to imbody the Militia, and put them under the Mutiny Act, if a rebellion is only apprehended in Bengal, in St˙ Helena, in the most distant and insignificant dependency of the Crown. To draw their swords in defence of their King and country, is what they entered expressly and cheerfully to do; but to be made soldiers in spite of themselves — to serve, not their country in great and fearful exigencies, but to second the apprehensions or evil designs of a Minister, is being in a situation so totally different, that no arguments can convince me they will endure it. I am a friend to the old Militia, because it can only be drawn out in cases prescribed by the Constitution; but I am an enemy to this new scheme, because it in fact annihilates that meritorious Militia, and gives you a monster in its stead.

A noble Lord has touched upon another Militia — a Militia to be composed of a set of people of a complexion which has not, it seems, been thought by the legislature to recommend them to possess it; a Northern Militia! From the manner in which the intimation is given, I take it for Granted the plan is determined, and that we may consider it as one of the measures which are at present so rapidly combined. And it leads me naturally to the great question of America, to show Bow these measures are united in order to

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be effectual; and I shall the readier undertake it, as next week I shall be otherwise employed.

It is curious to observe what are the auxiliaries which the present Administration call to the assistance of the British Constitution — Catholicks, from Canada, if, they can be induced to act; Irish Papists; a new Militia in England, composed of a description of men exceedingly different from those who composed the old one; a Scotch Militia, of a description that I will not name; Hanoverian mercenaries to garrison the two great fortresses of the Mediterranean; and, to crown the whole, twenty thousand Russians, to protect the legislative authority of this country. It has been declared, in another House, that the Russians are not to be sent to America, therefore they are, we may presume, to be brought here. He wished to know what object we were now contending for with America. It was not for taxes, as we might easily perceive by General Burgoyne' s letter to General Lee; for a gentleman of his good sense, and who held so high a post under Government, would not venture to assert so much without some authority. It could not be said that we were contending for the general unlimited power of Parliament over every part of the empire; for the Secretary of a neighbouring kingdom had contradicted that idea, by asserting "that expressions of that kind which had been made in that House by a gentleman high in office, Were no more than the rash, inconsiderate opinion of a hasty individual." He wished to be fairly understood with regard to his ideas of rebellion: he never had considered it as a genus which might be divided into several distinct species; yet he was apt to imagine that there might be one sort of rebellion less deserving our hatred than another; that there might be a provoked and an unprovoked rebellion, of which each merited different degrees of censure. He then proceeded to ridicule the motley complexion of our intended forces, which were to consist of Hanoverians, Russians, savage Canadians, and Irish Roman Catholicks. He said he had heard that a single regiment could march from one end of North-America to the other; but he desired to know if it was not more probable that twenty thousand Russians could march from John O' Grotts house to the Land' s-End. On the whole, he declared that he was against this, as well as most of the other measures of Government; that he stood alone, unconnected with any party; that he despised any man who, at such a critical juncture as the present, could be swayed by any personal motive whatever; that, for his part, he spoke ex animo, and he hoped the House would give him credit for his assertion. He concluded by observing, that although he might not, perhaps, be able to give that close attendance to the business of the House which he could wish, yet he would uniformly oppose the Ministry in every step they should take to enforce measures which he heartily condemned.

Sir George Yonge informed the House of the manner in which the Devonshire Address was obtained, without the knowledge or concurrence of the gentlemen of property in the County.

Mr˙ Rigby. I should not have risen to the present question, had not the learned gentleman brought me into a conspicuous light, from what an Irish Secretary is said to have mentioned in another place. I have a great opinion of that gentleman' s abilities; and it is plain he has a very good opinion of me, from the way he treats me. Because the Irish Secretary says I am a rash and inconsiderate individual, therefore Administration says I am so, for such and such sentiments. As to the right of taxing Ireland, I assert it upon the solid authority of an act of Parliament. If this Parliament has a right to deprive the House of Lords of Ireland of their judicial right in the dernier resort, it has a right to do everything else. But the learned gentleman has taken a wider field; he has given us a rueful catalogue of troops, which are to execute the measures, and among the rest, twenty thousand Russians. This is the first time that I ever heard a syllable of Russians coming here. It is true, I am not of the Cabinet; I never was there in my life; but from the connections I have, and from all my information, I know of no such design. But whenever a war has been opened which demands foreign auxiliaries, various are those that have been hired. The last war saw Wolfenbuttlers, Hessians, Hanoverians, and I know not what, in our service; and there was a Britannick legion, which consisted of all the thieves in Europe: the learned member, if

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disposed to ridicule, might call them, and the Mahrattas of the East, allies of the King of England. The learned member enters very logically into the distinctions of rebellion, and, from attending minutely to them, all I can learn is, that there are two sorts of rebellion: one which the gentleman likes very well, and one which he likes not at all. He detests the rebellion of 1745, but likes the present passing well. Now, for my part, although I think there is but one kind of rebellion, I cannot carry my sentiments so far back as the honourable gentleman; for, whenever the Americans shall return to their duty, and behave as loyally as the people of Manchester, I shall not, by any means, consider them as deserving my hatred; but shall readily give up the point of taxation for honourable terms of accommodation with them.

Colonel Barré observed, that he had lately heard many gentlemen in Administration speak very moderately of American affairs, and he exhorted them to throw some kind of a conciliatory proposition together, as a step towards an accommodation. He requested the friends of Ministry not to be so very fond of war, as to overlook an easy and honourable peace, which lay so immediately in their way that they could not but see it, if they would but give themselves the trouble to look for it; and concluded by reminding the House that Philip lost the now United Provinces by being too tenacious of one single post.

Mr˙ Acland. As I do not intend that some aspersions the learned gentleman [Mr˙ Dunning] has thrown out on me shall go unnoticed, I rise now to give the learned gentleman an opportunity of replying, if he chooses it. The learned gentleman began by calling me his honourable friend, and immediately proceeded to give me the most unequivocal proofs of his friendship, by throwing out assertions as detrimental to an independent character as they were unfounded in fact. The learned gentleman has said that the address of the First Regiment of Devonshire Millitia, which I had the honour of presenting, was corrected by the noble Lord. If I were to give way to the just dictates of my resentment, no expression the English language contained would be strong enough to, mark in its true colours such an unwarranted assertion; but I will content myself with declaring to this House, this full gallery, and the whole world, that it is untrue. The address which has had the misfortune of drawing down the weight of that gentleman' s resentment upon it, and which I, it seems, in an unfortunate hour presented to his Majesty, if its containing strong sentiments of loyalty to the King, and attachment to the Constitution, be a crime, is, I confess, most criminal. But, sir, sorry am I to find that expressions of loyalty to the King and attachment to the Constitution, should appear so criminal to that learned gentleman. This address, at which the gentleman is so much displeased, expresses, sir, a just abhorrence of every attempt to alienate the minds of his Majesty' s subjects, and a readiness, when properly called on, to endeavour to suppress any internal enemies of the King and Constitution. It is necessary that I should inform this House, that about the time that this and many other Western addresses originated in the country, many inflammatory papers, breathing a spirit adverse to all order and tranquillity, had been, with an assiduity hitherto unknown, dispersed through the West; amongst others, letters inviting to associate had been sent to many of the principal Magistrates and first gentlemen of property. These associations were recommended on the principle that associations of the same nature had been entered into previous to the Revolution. Now, sir, we unfortunate country gentlemen, who are not blessed with those abilities which teach us to understand black when we read white, did conclude, that if these letters of association, so recommended, implied anything, they implied the necessity of another revolution. Under such circumstances, sir, in such times, were we not justified? Did we not act the part of good citizens and good subjects, publickly to declare to the whole world our just abhorrence of every attempt to alienate the minds of his Majesty' s subjects, and to express our readiness, when properly called on, to exert our utmost endeavours to suppress any internal enemies of the King and this Constitution? for, sir, such inflammatory papers, and such circular letters of association, are attempts to alienate the minds of his Majesty' s subjects; and those men, I care not who they are, by whom such papers and such letters were circulated, are enemies to the King and this

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Constitution. An honourable gentleman observed, that not above sixty or seventy people had signed the Devonshire address. I must tell that gentleman that he has been egregiously misinformed; for I can assure this House that nineteen out of twenty of the principal resident representatives of the property of the County signed that address. It is perpetually asked, how country gentlemen (whom it seems the fashion of some gentlemen in this House to ridicule, though I believe they would be very glad of their support) can again trust an Administration that has so often deceived them? For one, sir, I answer, that they never have deceived me; but if I had been deceived, I had been deceived under the sanction of the gravest and most respectable authorities of this House; under the sanction of that learned gentleman himself, who, during the last session, when Administration applied to Parliament to strengthen the hands of Government, compared the disturbances then existing in the Province of the Massachusetts-Bay to the riots that had often happened at different times in different parts of England, which had been suppressed with a very trifling, if not without any assistance of a military force. Would not, therefore, that gentleman and his friends have treated it as the most ridiculous, the most absurd, the most extravagant, the wildest of all wild doctrines, if Administration had proposed to Parliament to send out a force adequate to the conquest of a whole continent, — to do what? Why, to suppress a few insignificant riots in the Massachusetts Province, such as the honourable gentleman told you that you have had fifty times in this country, and which have been suppressed without any military aid at all. I again repeat, I have not been deceived by Administration, for I did not think the force competent; but because a competent force was not sent out last year, I do not think it good sense or good argument to oppose the sending out a competent one this year; nor should I think, if at this time I withdrew my weak support from Administration, I should the next year have a right to accuse Administration for the ill success of measures, if they should succeed ill, when I had done everything in my power, by my opposition, to prevent their execution.

Mr˙ Dunning apologized for the mistake he had been under, respecting the Address from the Devonshire Militia.

Mr˙ T˙ Townshend called on the Ministers to know where the Russian troops were to be sent, as it was asserted in the other House not to America; and now, by Mr˙ Rigby, not to England: he supposed to Ireland, He said that innovations in the Militia were dangerous, because every standing oppressive force in Europe began with a harmless Militia. He detested the politicks of Administration, while he compassionated the unhappy Americans, who had been provoked to resistance by the late acts. In his opinion, the necessity of imbodying the Militia of any part of the kingdom could only be justified by local causes; that if there was a rebellion in Scotland, or in Wales, he should vote for the imbodying of the Scotch or Welch Militia, but not otherwise; and that he differed in opinion from an honourable member [Mr˙ Rigby] who had asserted he knew but of one kind of rebellion. He instanced the rebellion of 1745, when the town of Manchester (who had now sent up an address, flattering the Ministry, and abusing the gentlemen in Opposition) took an ostensible part against the present family.

Sir Thomas Egerton defended the town of Manchester. Said he had signed their address, which did not contain any abuse upon the gentlemen in Opposition.

Mr˙ Burke observed, that the Manchester address was not singular in the indecency of its language, but that all the Ministerial addresses spoke of those who had endeavoured to prevent the civil war in which this country was unhappily now plunged through the ruinous and destructive measures pursued by Administration, in the most scurrilous and illiberal manner; that the gentleman who defended Manchester stood in the same predicament with many others who had signed what they never read, and therefore were astonished when they afterwards heard the language of the addresses — language, he said, which disgraced the name of Britons; in which the good nature of Englishmen and the manners of gentlemen, were totally forgotten; and which, though procured by courtiers, contained nothing characteristick of them but the most ignoble servility, and the most unmerciful encouragement of barbarous, blood-thirsty

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measures. There were two other addresses which called loudly for the censure of that House; the address from the First Battalion of the Devonshire Militia, and the address from the University of Oxford. These he termed the Addresses Military and Ecclesiastick; addresses from persons who, at all times, and on all occasions, were debarred constitutionally from meddling with the politicks of the country. He descanted largely on the first, showing the impropriety of the Militia, or any armed body, soliciting to be employed against their fellow-subjects. With regard to the latter, he almost charged Lord North with having not only seen it before it was presented to the King, but with having altered the composition of it; and if the noble Lord avowed the propriety of the University of Oxford (a body of learned and religious men) interfering with politicks, advising a civil war, and calling those that opposed it rebels and traitors, the freedom of this country was dead, her liberty was no more. He painted in strong colours the situation of the heads of a University, who, he declared, ought by no means to instil political principles into the minds of those who were not sufficiently matured, who knew too little of the world to be able to judge of their propriety, and to distinguish between sound policy and destructive expedients. Every man, he observed, must feel the violent error of such conduct. He had himself a son at the University, and he could not approve of that son' s being told by grave men that his, father was an abetter of rebels. He concluded with declaring, that the noble Lord ought not only to have abstained from taking part in the formation of that address, but that he ought to have rejected it when it was sent to him, and prevented it from being presented.

Sir William Bagot related the origin of the Stafford address: he had seen the address from London to the Electors of Great Britain, and as he was not willing that the gentlemen of the County should be seduced by it, he supported at the sessions an address, containing sentiments very different from the London address, only one person, whom the House well knew, [Mr˙ Wooldridge,] objecting to it.

Captain Luttrell. When the last votes in favour of the Address (which I considered to be destructive to the liberties of America) passed this House, I thought we might take leave of every ray of hope, that peace and good fellowship would again subsist between our Colonies and this country. I, however, felt this consolation, that uninfluenced by selfish views, or by the political interest of any man or set of men whatsoever, I had discharged my duty agreeably to my conscience, and the best of my abilities; and as I could not prevent, I had only to lament the future progress of this unnatural war. But, sir, in consequence of what fell from the noble Lord, I hold it a duty incumbent on me to offer to the House such intelligence as I have received from America, that I may not be comprehended among the number of those gentlemen the noble Lord supposes to be inclined to conceal from him, or the publick, what they have reason to believe is the true and general sentiments of the Americans.

Sir, a noble Lord has communicated to us the private information he has received from a General officer at Boston. A right honourable member in my eye acknowledged the receipt of a letter from an ever-memorable Colonel, the substance of which amounted to little more than this, that he lamented they had been mistaken in their ideas of the Provincial army. Sir, my information comes not from a military man, but from a friend of mine, whose family remains in this country, and who went to America for the recovery of his health. Sir, he is of a nation that will hardly be suspected of taking part in this rebellion; he is a man of good sense, sound judgment, quick discernment, some philosophy, and much candour; he is known to many members of this House, having been a candidate for a seat in Parliament. I value his information, because I believe it authentick. And that I may not be supposed to state it partially, as what he says of America is comprised in a few lines, I will, with leave of the House, read them.

[Here Captain Luttrell read a letter from New-York, dated the beginning of September, which affirms, "That the people there aim not at independence, but are generally determined to die, rather than to submit to the arbitrary claim of taxation, though they are informed the French, their natural enemies, have offered assistance against them."]

Now, sir, if the information conveyed to America be

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true, France is the foreign power that has offered us assistance. What, sir, is likely to be the state of your army then? Thirty thousand British troops, perhaps one-half that number French, some thousands of your Canadian subjects and Irish Roman Catholick marines. Then, sir, when America is conquered, and the flower of your army cut off, your new allies will be prepared to dispute the conquest with you. Is there a man, sir, in this House, that doubts but every Roman Catholick of either army, or in that country, of any name, description, or situation, will not be ready again to assert the right of France to the Colonies of America, in opposition to the Protestant army; or that they will not be supported by the Northern Indians, who are bigots to the Roman Catholick religion, and immediately under the influence of the Popish Priests and Jesuits, which abound in that country? Still, sir, I am at a loss to tell whether I should prefer an alliance with France or Russia. It is time we should look to the enterprising genius rising in that empire; to a people eager in the pursuit of fresh possessions, in climes less inhospitable than those they now inhabit, already become (thanks to Great Britain for it) the first maritime Power in the North, the third great maritime Power in the world, extending her manufactures and commerce.

I fear the balance of trade is already against us; but it must inevitably be so soon; and then you will send your specie to Russia, to purchase the vast quantity of hemp, turpentine, tar, and other naval stores, necessary to supply the present great naval establishments. Sir, should Russia insist upon sending these naval stores to your arsenals in America in her own bottoms, dare you refuse it? What may be matter of necessity now, was ignorance, or something worse, ten years ago. Sir, it was for these reasons I requested the honourable member who moved the Address, would adopt the motion "previously to inquire into the real state of Great Britain and her American Colonies;" that, upon mature consideration, we might present a dutiful and loyal Address to his Majesty, full as respectful to the King as the present, but perhaps less conclusive upon Parliament. Sir, those who thought they pledged themselves to nothing, did well to give it their assent. I, conscious I know but little, and believing that I pledged myself to everything, hope I did as well to vote against it; for I considered it to imply a thorough knowledge of both countries; whereas it appears, by the language of Administration, that they are totally ignorant of the real state of either. One noble Lord tells us, we cannot raise an army of Britons sufficient to subdue the present rebellion in America; but must call in the aid of foreign troops, which we must purchase with our wealth, in like manner with any other commodity. Some gentlemen of great abilities and equal authority, hold the direct contrary doctrines, calling up to our recollection the numerous army of British troops supplied in the late war. From some of these benches we learn, that great part of America is still in our possession; from others, that we have not a foot of it. One minute it is asserted, the Americans are still ready to submit; the next, that they unite the men with their measures, and execrate both. Some say they contend only for taxation; others for independence; with a variety of different accounts, as to the numbers, situation, and opposition of the Provincial army. And the most material question of the whole still remains undecided, whether this country, (England I mean,) is, or is not, desirous of pursuing coercive measures against the Americans? Sir, his Majesty can certainly do no wrong; but are his Ministers therefore above reprehension? And if the King has been deceived by their misrepresentations, is it not more dutiful and loyal humbly to point them out, than to let the people ascribe a share of blame to him, while they take shelter under the sacred name of Majesty? The King wishes for peace and reconciliation with America, and I believe the noble Lord opposite, and a part of his associates, do so too, as well as the generality of the people of England; and that these blood-thirsty measures can only be pleasing to such slaves to a part of Government, who, the very last year, told us they shuddered at the plan of operations, and would not support them, because they thought them cruel; yet now they can adopt them, because they are ten times more so; and to a set of unprincipled, arbitrary, and avaricious men, who I wish to God were transferred to a Government like New-Zealand (where they devour their fellow-creatures) from that of a civilized nation.

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Mr˙ Fox observed, it had been well said that the addresses would cause ill blood here; but he would add something more: they would cause much ill blood in America. The address from the Devonshire Militia he reprobated as one of the most unconstitutional acts that ever had fallen within his knowledge. After which he declared he did not think so meanly of the understandings of the present Ministry, as to suppose they would leave, this country without an army of some kind. He approved of a Militia as a succedaneum to an army, but by the present bill they were evidently to serve as a part of the army itself. He then entered into a definition of the original meaning and intention of the English Militia, and laid it down as a doctrine, that formerly a Militia-man was merely armed and disciplined, that he might, when danger was at his door and pressed upon him, defend himself. He said he should certainly be against the introduction of foreign troops, and he was also against a standing army; that the purpose of the present bill was to create a standing army, and to increase the power of the Crown; that he saw no difference between a standing army of Regulars, and a standing army of Militia, whom the King could call out when he pleased; for that in this country, and every other extensive dominion, there would always, in some part or other, be a riot, which the Minister might call a rebellion. There might be a disturbance among the Negroes in Jamaica, in Bengal, or any other distant place, which might serve as a pretext for imbodying the Militia. That many gentlemen would frequently be embarrassed who served in it, by being put upon disagreeable duty; and that at present, if he was a Militia officer, he would resign. He concluded with declaring that Administration were taking advantage of the present situation of affairs, to put the people under martial law, and to add that law to the prerogative; that all the late American acts tended to increase the power of the Crown, and to demolish the rights of the people; and that as the present bill evidently would do so, he should oppose it.

Lord North observed, that although there were so many different opinions held, and so many different objections thrown out in the present debate, it was impossible for him to reply to all of them; yet he thought it incumbent on him to speak to two matters which had been urged by the gentlemen in opposition: one was, the charge made against him respecting the Oxford address; and the other, the idea which had been alleged to prevail with Administration of introducing foreign troops into this kingdom. With regard to the latter, he declared there was no such idea entertained, and he appealed to the bill before the House as a confirmation of what he said; for it was obvious, if Ministry had such an intention they never would have introduced the bill, but moved for the introduction of foreign troops, on the plea of the insufficiency of the present Militia Act. He declared he was himself averse to the employment of foreign troops; but where a great constitutional point was to be carried, and which could not be carried without them, he saw no objection to their being made use of. He thought they might be applied to as a resource, though it would be impolitick to use them in the first instance; that, as we had more money than men, it was a natural and justifiable resource in cases of necessity; but that at present Administration meant to leave the defence of this country, to the gentlemen of it, which was surely the measure most likely to prove agreeable to every Englishman; and that so far was he from wishing to embarrass any gentleman in the Militia, that he had no objection to the insertion of a clause, giving them power to resign if they disliked the service. His Lordship treated what had fallen from Mr˙ Fox, respecting the dangerous use that might be made, at any future period, of the power granted by this act, as a chimera, never likely to be realized; observing upon the hazard a Minister would run in making a riot in the Indies, or a disturbance in any distant quarter of the King' s dominions, a pretext for calling out the Militia of England; and adding, that if any Minister should be so hardy, he sincerely hoped he would be impeached at the bar of the House of Lords. With regard to the Oxford address, his Lordship declared, that it came to him as a part of the University, as one of the firm of it; in fact, it was sent as a Compliment to their Chancellor. That he did not alter the language; that he, both then and now, thought it contained such sentiments as were proper to come from the University; that it did not encourage the

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plunging this country into a civil war; that it only expressed a disgust at rebellion, and teemed with professions of loyalty, which were an honour to those from whom it came; and that, therefore, he did not prevent it from being presented; but he solemnly protested that he saw no other address in its way to the Throne, and he defied the gentlemen on the other side of the House, after the most exact inquiry, to prove that Administration interfered in procuring any.

The question being pat, That the Bill be read a second time; the House divided. The Noes went forth.

Tellers for the yeas,
The Lord Stanley,
Mr˙ Charles Townshend,
259

Tellers for the noes,
Sir George Yonge,
Captain Johnstone,
50

So it was resolved in the affirmative.

The Bill was accordingly read a second time, and committed to a Committee of the Whole House.